Farhad Danesh nia

  The Ukraine crisis in 2022, by creating a strategic rupture in energy relations, transformed the architecture of European energy security and made the issue of diversifying sources and routes of oil and gas imports a central priority of European Union policymaking. In this context, Iraq, as one of the largest holders of hydrocarbon reserves, is in a position to redefine its role in the emerging European geopolitical order; however, the realization of this capacity faces multilayered structural and competitive constraints. The central issue of the present research is what consequences and requirements the geopolitical developments resulting from the Ukraine crisis have created for Iraq's energy diplomacy and the country's role in the competition for oil and gas tra  ort routes to the European market. This research was conducted with a qualitative approach and descriptive-analytical method and uses a combination of the frameworks of "energy geopolitics", "rival actor theory", "energy security" and "geopolitical realism" to explain the problem. The data were extracted in a library-documentary manner and through systematic collection of official reports of international institutions, reliable energy statistics, Iraqi and European policy documents and specialized analyses and processed based on content analysis and geopolitical analysis of the actors. The findings show that the Ukrainian crisis has created a paradoxical situation for Iraq: on the one hand, unprecedented opportunities have been provided to enhance Iraq's role as a strategic energy partner for Europe, and on the other hand, geopolitical competition between actors such as Turkey and Iran over transit corridors has intensified. At the same time, weak energy governance, Baghdad-Erbil disputes, insecurity of routes, and slow development of transit infrastructure have limited the possibility of transforming Iraq into a sustainable and reliable energy corridor. The research conclusion emphasizes that redefining Iraq's energy diplomacy in the new European order is not a political choice, but a strategic necessity to strengthen the country's national security and economic development. The innovation of the research lies in providing an integrated analysis of the triple nexus of the "Ukrainian crisis", "competition over energy transit routes", and "the transformation of Iraq's energy diplomacy" and explaining its consequences for the future of Iraq's role in European energy corridors.

 Throughout history, various international conflicts have occurred and the actors based on their goals and interests have cooperated, competed and conflicted, and for this reason, various cooperative or confrontational games have been formed between them in various scales. Iran's nuclear conflict has been one of the most important and challenging issues of international politics in the past decade and has become the main issue of the Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy, and the United States' approach and strategy as the hegemon of the international system with this The subject is of special importance. Contrary to the reaction of the West, Iran always emphasized its right to achieve the nuclear fuel cycle, this meant the beginning of the game between the West and Iran on the issue of Iran's nuclearization. Based on this, the current research with a descriptive-analytical method seeks to investigate the basic question, what is the grand strategy of the United States in the era of Trump and Biden regarding the Iran nuclear conflict based on Benjamin Miller's model?

China is considered one of the top powers in the field of international political economy, the transformation and modernization adopted by the leaders of this country after the era of Mao and the adoption of the peaceful doctrine of Bajhan through free trade, open regionalism, economic plans with strong regional themes were proposed. China's leaders, by expanding the Chinese development model as a model that can promote neo-mercantilism policies in many regions, can be considered as a confrontation between the consensus of Beijing and the consensus of Washington in all areas influenced by both powers.   

  The recognition policy as a practical theoretical framework can play a key role in understanding the factors that reproduce divergence in the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia. In the framework of this theory, the concept of recognition is formed from the two dimensions of self-recognition and the recognition of others, and its output is minimal and maximal recognition. The purpose of this thesis is to use this theory to understand the key factors of the divergence between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the context of the struggle for recognition. This article seeks to understand the mentioned issue by raising this question: "What are the roots of the continued challenge and divergence in the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia?" In response to this question, this hypothesis is proposed that: "The struggle for recognition has been the main motive for the formation and reproduction of divergence in the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia and the main factor in their confrontational relations". According to the framework of the recognition theory, the findings of this research show that there is a constant struggle for recognition between Iran and Saudi Arabia. This constant struggle comes from the definition that two countries have of their identity in their definition. In most cases, the self-definition of these two countries is in clear conflict with the other. As a result, the two countries have formed identification on a fragile foundation that is never able to produce a stable and permanent relationship. This causes divergence between the two countries in the ideological-identity areas based on sectarianism, conflict in the attitude towards the role of America, tension in the area of ??influence and regional hegemony, the nuclear program, the Ibrahim agreement.

 Today, border bazaars are very important in the type and manner of cross-border interactions between countries. Parviz Khan's border bazaar in Kermanshah province has the highest number of interactions in the cross-border relations between Iran and Iraq. show the political economy interactions between the two countries; According to the statistics published by the relevant authorities and the comments and discussions of the officials of this field, it seems that the cross-border interactions of the two countries have significant differences with the target amount, and new competitors for Iran's influence in the Iraqi market have emerged. Therefore, considering the increasing importance of the Iraqi market for Iran, it is necessary to examine the pattern governing the political economy interactions of the two countries, especially in the area of ??the Parvizkhan market, as the most important bases of interaction between the two countries; The above research aims to answer this question: How can the pattern governing the cross-border relations between Iran and Iraq in Parvizkhan border be analyzed in the framework of Susan Strange's political economy approach? He has put forward this claim: Iran's cross-border interactions with Iraq at the Parviz Khan border, affected by the structure of production, finance, security, and existing science and technology, have led to a fragile and unstable situation in the political economy relations of the two countries. In the upcoming research, using the method of exploratory interviews with Bazarche Parvizkhan activists, experts and university professors and theorizing them in the theoretical framework of Suzan Strange's political economy approach, it was concluded that the current interactions of the two countries are affected by the structure of production, finance, security and Science and technology has a fragile and unstable situation and requires reforms in the above four areas. Key words: Iran-Iraq-border bazaar-political economy-Susan Strange

The political economy of oil is a complex structure that affects the whole life of an oil-rich country, including the nature of the state and its relationship with society, the performance of institutions and the interactions of social forces in the political-economic sphere of society. The present study aims to "investigate the degradation of oil in the global political economy and its impact on the relationship between government and society in Saudi Arabia" in a descriptive-analytical manner with emphasis on the approach of political economy. The gradual decline in global oil prices and the consequent decline in Saudi oil revenues has led to a gradual challenge to the country's rent-seeking economy model at the national, regional and global levels in recent decades. At the international level, and as Saudi Arabia's energy partners have become less dependent on Saudi oil, the pressure on Saudi Arabia to expand democracy and respect human rights has increased. At the domestic level, on the one hand, the country is facing increasing socio-economic and political demands of transformational social forces, and on the other hand, the gradual reduction of the government's financial capacity to meet the needs of citizens as a result of declining oil revenues. How the gradual decline in oil prices in the global economy has affected the government-society relationship in Saudi Arabia is a key question that is explored in the present study. The research hypothesis is designed to build power in Saudi Arabia in the face of pressure from the impossibility of continuing the life of the rentier political economy, to change the procedure and reformulate the government to a post-war model in general and transform the relationship between government and society in this country. In particular, it has progressed. The results of this study show that the Saudi government is taking steps to adapt its political economy to the requirements of action in the new global environment by adopting short-term and long-term policies and plans, including the design of the 2030 vision. In this regard, Saudi Arabia has so far reorganized its political economy in order to take advantage of the new elements and structures of global power and wealth in order to turn the threat of lower oil prices into an opportunity for economic, political and social modernization. The present study claims that the decline in oil rents due to the gradual decline in its price in the global political economy, not only in the external dimension has led to the emergence of a new type of government and its pattern of interaction with the global economy. And society has also undergone a transformation. The present research has been conducted in the framework of political economy approach and in a descriptive-analytical method using library resources.

  The South Caucasus region is one of the most important areas for the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is effective in its developments, in different dimensions, providing part of the interests and even national security of the country. At the same time, the area is the scene of Western powers, Russia, Turkey and Iran and the conflicts of the two countries of the Republic of Azerbaijan and Armenia, which should also be added to the presence of the Zionist regime. The differences between Azerbaijan and Armenia are rooted in the era of the Soviet Union and even Russian tsarist and separating from the land of Iran, and in parts of the tribal and areas around it, Armenians consider it their own and Azeri parts of the Republic of Azerbaijan. At the time of the Soviet Union, according to the decision of the central government, the area, most of which was the Armenian region, was an autonomous region, but part of the structure of the Republic of Azerbaijan. This research has been prepared for the variables determining the formation of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the face of the Karabakh crisis. The rooting of this issue is important that the Islamic Republic of Iran is bound bound with two countries of the Republic of Azerbaijan and Armenia, and due to the huge Azeri-language population and Armenian minority inside Iran, this controversy can make passive consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran Associated with. Altogether, foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is directly influenced by this conflict and Iran's position has also been resolved by disputes through diplomacy and direct talks between the parties involvement. This research is trying to use a descriptive method and the use of library resources in content analysis, which question is that the variables determining the formation of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the face of the Karabakh's crisis? The findings of the research show that the national security and national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran are far from religious and ideological considerations, including the factors that determine the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the face of the Karabakh crisis.

      The phenomenon of smuggling is a problem in all countries, but it a more serious problem in developing countries. This phenomenon is known as a problem for it has pervaded the countries' economy and has negative effects, including disruption of economical policy, contributing to increased poverty, facilitating monopolization and money problems. No doubt, these negative effects, cause disorders in different communities and lead to the lack of balance in socioeconomic systems of countries and slow down or even stop all-round development. Several factors have been cited for smuggling but in this study, three important factors of behavioral, structural and contextual are expressed. The nature of smuggling indicates that this phenomenon is closely related to international law. Therefore, some international efforts have been made to prevent and deal with smuggling and this issue have been attended to form different political, economical and international criminal law aspects and one can see various international institutions and organizations such as the WTO or the World Customs Organization and others have paid special attention to it.This research relies on descriptive and analytical methods and use of library studies to explain the status of contraband goods in international law and raises the strategies to counter this issue from the perspective of the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC). The results of this study demonstrate the crucial importance of ICC in improving the culture and development of commerce specialized training with the aim of preventing smuggling in the area of ??international trade. It also expresses that ICC can cover part of the gaps in international treaties and regulations underlying the smuggling phenomenon and through this way play its important role in countering smuggling.

تاريخ نشان دهنده روابط مناسب ايران و كشور‏‏هاي اروپايي مي باشد. اين رابطه قبل از پيروزي انقلاب اسلامي ايران روابطي مناسب و پر رونق بود. حجم بالايي مناسبات اقتصادي و سياسي نشان از روابط مناسب و در خور طرفين بود. حضور ايران در اردوگاه غرب و به عنوان متحد استراتژيك امريكا در منطقه بدون شك عامل اصلي رونق روابط ايران و اتحاديه اروپا بود. با فروپاشي شوروي و پايان جنگ سرد فضا براي بازگيري بيشتر و فعال تر اتحاديه اروپا فراهم شد. و روابط ايران و اتحاديه اروپا در سطح مناسبي قرارگرفت. بعد از پيروزي انقلاب و سياست خارجي نه شرقي و نه غربي جمهوري اسلامي ايران و ايجاد اختلافاتي بين ايران و اتحاديه اروپا   تحت تاثير امريكا روابط ايران واتحاديه اروپا دچار ركود و تنزلي چشمگير شد كه به حجم پايين مراودات اقتصادي و سياسي منجر شد. طرح مسائلي چون حقوق بشر و نوع ديدگاه طرفين به بحث تروريسم و... در پاره اي از مواقع حتي به قطع ارتباط طرفين هم انجاميد. با طرح مساله هسته‏اي ايران اين اختلافات عميق تر شد. با مذاكرات چند ساله نهايتا موضوع هسته‏اي ايران   به سرانجام رسيد و طرفين ايران و قدرت‏‏هاي جهاني مساله هسته‏اي ايران را از موضوعي امنيتي به موضوعي فني تغيير دادند. پژوهش   با طرح اين سوال كه برجام چه تاثيري   بر روابط ايران و اتحاديه اروپا خواهد گذاشت با استفاده از روش تحليلي-توصيفي برجام را باعث رونق روابط اقتصادي-سياسي ايران و اتحاديه اروپا مي داند.

  THE POSITION OF PUBLIC DIPLOMACY IN THE MIDDLE EASTERN FOREIGN POLICY OF UNITED STATES AFTER SEPTEMBER 11  Abstract:The United States of America is taken to account as the most effective trans regional political player in the Middle East, during recent 50 years. The U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East has experienced different models from direct military intervention to indirect and secret support from events and regional crisis in the recent decades from the other side and as a result of direct and indirect presence of the U.S. in the Middle east the wave of objection and resistance against this country has been intensified, This fact has resulted in gradual policy shift toward utilizing new and more complicated tools and methods in Middle East foreign policy by the U.S. one of this methods, specially after September 11th is public diplomacy. This research is to clarify employing public diplomacy in the United states foreign policy in the Middle East. Thus basis of thesis is this strategic question that: Whats the role of public diplomacy in the U.S. Middle Eastern foreign policy of 9/11. The hypothesis which is processed in the framework of institutional Liberalism is that: public diplomacy has changed to the U.S. most important foreign policy approach toward Middle East.   ــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــKeywords: The U.S, foreign policy, Middle East, Soft power.  Institutional liberalism.     

جمهوري اسلامي ايران از دهه ي دوم پس از انقلاب تاكنون، همواره كوشيده است كه در قالب قوانيني همچون برنامه هاي پنج ساله ي توسعه و يا سند چشم انداز 20 ساله به اهداف توسعه اي مورد نظرش دست يابد. با اين همه در اكثر اوقات اين تلاش ها با ناكامي هايي مواجه شده است كه منشاء بسياري از آن ها چالش هاي ساختاري جمهوري اسلامي ايران در تعامل با اقتصاد سياسي جهاني بوده است. رويكرد نوگرامشينيستي اقتصاد سياسي، با روش «ماترياليسم تاريخي» و «تبيين و تفهم»، امكانات قابل ملاحضه اي براي شناسايي موانع ساختاري ايران در نظم موجود اقتصاد سياسي جهاني دارد، و بر اين اساس با عطف به مفهوم «هژموني» كه در برگيرنده ي سه ساختار نيروهاي مادي(اقتصاد)، انديشه ها (فرهنگ) و نهادها (سياست)، و ارتباط متقابل آن ها با همديگر است، رويارويي بلوك هاي جهاني قدرت با ايران را در جهت ممانعت از بهره مندي از مختصات ژئواكونوميكي اش مي توان تبيين كرد. از دهه ي 1970 به اين سو، در اقتصاد سياسي جهاني، ساختار نيروهاي مادي با شيوه ي توليد پسافوردي و گسترش دولت- جامعه هاي «لاكي»، ساختار انديشه ها با تكثرگرايي و نوليبراليسم ( و بازوهاي ايدئولوژيكي آن يعني اجماع واشنگتن و اعلاميه ي جهاني حقوق بشر)، و ساختار نهادها با فرآيندهاي جهاني شدن دولت، «مقررات زدايي» و «پولمداري» آميخته بوده است. در برابر، ساختار نيروهاي مادي در ايران بر پايه ي اقتصاد سياسي نفت و دولت تحصيلدار، ساختار انديشه ها با اسلام گرايي، و ساختار نهادها با انحصارات دولتي و عدم دوام سياست هاي اقتصادي تعريف شده و در تعارض با ساختارهاي جهاني همتاي خود مي باشند.   واژگان كليدي: جهاني شدن، ساختار قدرت، اقتصاد سياسي جهاني، توسعه، اقتصاد سياسي جمهوري اسلامي ايران، چالش هاي ساختاري